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Scope & Method |
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Why redo Babinger’s work?
The scope of the project
Language Issues
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Why redo Babinger’s work?
As this project intends to create
a reference work that will constitute an updated and
improved version of Franz Babinger ’s Die Geschichtsschreiber
der
Osmanen und ihre Werke (GOW, published in 1927), singling
out its deficiencies and inadequacies might be a useful
way to explain this project’s methodology.
The main weakness in Babinger’s work was, as its reviewers noted, that he could
not make use of the Istanbul manuscript libraries adequately
simply because, although he had access to the printed
catalogues of the libraries, he did not have the opportunity
to see the manuscripts.
Few of such manuscript catalogues existed: in the case of Istanbul’s Süleymaniye
Library (the largest Turkish manuscript collection in
the world), printed catalogues existed for only 52 of
its 106 collections, the remainder being covered
either by handwritten catalogues or non-detailed lists.
Even when libraries did have printed catalogues, these
tend to contain a considerable number of mistakes, and
to cover only a fraction of the manuscripts. Furthermore,
in the case of the Süleymaniye Library, manuscript acquisitions
since the 1920s contribute to the outdated character
of GOW.
Fuat Sezgin wrote that Carl Brockelmann’s inability to make sufficient use of
the Istanbul Libraries for his Geschichte der arabischen
Litteratur had been the greatest motivation to prepare
his own, more complete and updated version of this reference
work. A similar albeit worse situation prevails in the
case of Ottoman historiography, especially if one considers
that Babinger’s book was published long before Brockelmann’s
work, and that many manuscripts he mentions have since
1927 been relocated or lost during wars.
Naturally a reference book that comprises immense amounts of data is never completely
free of errors. It may indeed not be realistic to expect
absolute accuracy from a bio-bibliographical reference
book of this size. It is thus incumbent upon today’s
scholars to participate in the continuous updating of
their forerunners’ work; this is what Historians of the
Ottoman Empire sets out to do.
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The scope of the project
Babinger was also criticized for the method he used in selecting the authors.
Although the title of his book refers to “Ottoman History
Writers” (Geschichtsschreiber der Osmanen), he added
to the mix geographers, compilers of biographical dictionaries
and others who did not compose a historical work in the
strictest sense.
An important methodological problem is the question of how to establish the criteria
for choosing the historians to be included in the book.
In our case, the problem is further complicated by the
subsequent evolution of historiography, from the École
des Annales to this day, as the scope of the material
used by today’s historians would have been unimaginable
in the 1920s. After much debate and discussion we decided
that some works besides histories in the strictest sense
had their place here, insofar as the Historians of the
Ottoman Empire project intends to stand as a comprehensive
reference work that will make sense to today’s historians.
However practical considerations had to be taken in account,
as we could not afford to let the size of the project
grow so much as to become unmanageable.
Covered here will thus be individuals having lived in the Ottoman Empire and
having written narrative works that consciously include
a significant “historical” content. This includes chroniclers,
of course, but also the authors of such works as biographical
material (literary, hagiographic, etc.), geographies,
military narratives (gazavatnames, fethnames) etc. We
are, however, considering having essays written, for
example on the şuara tezkiresi writers rather than having
individual entries on each one of them.
On the other hand this excludes the reports of non-Ottomans (travelers, historians,
etc.), intellectual works that reflect rather than express
historical events or phenomena, and any form of archival
material.
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Language Issues
Language is also a major
issue in such a project, in several ways. Many earlier
authors have limited their coverage to specific
literary languages, i.e.
Arabic (Brockelmann and Sezgin) or Persian (Storey). In
the case of Ottoman historical writing, such an approach
is particularly problematic, not only
because all three classical languages of Western Islam
(Arabic,
Persian, Turkish) were widely (and sometimes interchangeably)
used by people at the
court, but also because limiting ourselves to these three
languages would have meant falling into the old trap
of approaching Ottoman history strictly
through Muslim learned circles. In order to avoid this
problem Historians of the Ottoman Empire will include
all Ottoman
authors, regardless of the
language they used. In other words, a geographical boundary,
rather than a linguistic one, will be used here.
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